Wednesday, March 09, 2011

Journey | Minnesota performance list | MinnesotaPlaylist.com

Journey | Minnesota performance list | MinnesotaPlaylist.com

Journey

Presented by University of Minnesota/Elemental Ensemble
A lyric drama with original music based on the medieval Islamic text: Hayy bin Yazqan by the Muslim philosopher and author, Ibn Tufayl, a work that inspired Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe. The Journey is one of discovery as the parentless boy Hayy (called Cyrus), raised in the wild, evolves in his understanding of natural principles and spiritual life. Cyrus is portrayed by a lyric male dancer/actor, and his spiritual exploration of nature is narrated by a storyteller.

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Genres

* Classical dance
* Contemporary drama
* Kid friendly
* Modern dance
* Music theater

Schedule and venue

Children's Theater Company, Cargill Stage
2400 3rd Ave. S., Minneapolis

* Thursday, February 24, 2011 8:00pm
* Friday, February 25, 2011 8:00pm
* Saturday, February 26, 2011 8:00pm
* Thursday, March 3, 2011 7:30pm
* Friday, March 4, 2011 7:30pm
* Saturday, March 5, 2011 7:30pm
* Sunday, March 6, 2011 2:00pm
* Thursday, March 10, 2011 7:30pm
* Friday, March 11, 2011 7:30pm
* Saturday, March 12, 2011 7:30pm
* Sunday, March 13, 2011 2:00pm

Tickets
Discounts available

* Senior (65+)
* Student (with valid identification)
* Minnesota Fringe button discount
* Minnesota Public Radio membership

$10-20 at CTC March 3-13
Call (800) 838-3006

Tickets online: https://www.brownpapertickets.com/event/159102


Reservations/buy tickets
Eddie Oroyan stars in JOURNEY
Cast + crew
Role Artist
Cyrus Eddie Bruno Oroyan Edit
Storyteller Anika Reitman Edit
Roe, Pirooz Patrick Jeffrey Edit
Boy Josiah Laubenstein Edit
Officer Josiah Laubenstein Edit
Officer Levi Morris Edit
Director and Author Mohammad Bagher Ghaffari Edit
Stage Manager Stacy Schultz Edit
Costumer Sonya Berlovitz Edit
Technical Director Ian Knodel Edit
Production Assistant Shanté Zenith Edit
Producer William O. Beeman Edit
Artistic Consultant Lynn Lukkas Edit
Composer, Music Director Yukio Tsuji Edit
Cellist Cory Goldman Edit
Percussionist Tetsuya Takeno

Sunday, February 27, 2011

Wisconsin and Ohio Protestors: We Want Freedom of Choice, Not Money - New America Media

Wisconsin and Ohio Protestors: We Want Freedom of Choice, Not Money - New America Media

Wisconsin Rep. Paul Ryan said it right the first time on Feb. 17: “It’s like Cairo has moved to Madison these days.” He was viewing the 70,000 protestors demonstrating against Gov. Scott Walker’s dogged attempts to deny public unions the right to collective bargaining. Many thought Ryan’s remark unfortunate, since it seemed to compare Gov. Walker to former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, effectively deposed by the street demonstrators of Egypt.

But Governor Walker certainly hit a nerve with the American public that is no less jolting than that which called Mubarak’s autocratic rule into question. Walker may not have killed people, but his dictates are, in an American context, no less autocratic or unthinkable than the excesses of Mubarak.
The Wisconsin demonstrators, and those following their lead in Ohio protests against a bill that would similarly deprive public employees bargaining rights, showed that they were unwilling to give up an essential element of American culture -- the ability to shape their own destiny through negotiated choice.

Freedom of choice is one of the most sacred of American cultural values. It lies at the core of our commercial, civic and social lives. Any imposed limitation on choice is eventually doomed, as has been shown time and time again throughout American history.

Anti-miscegenation laws eventually fell to the ground, as gay marriage laws are slowly overcoming the forces that would outlaw them. Civil rights laws prohibiting discrimination have been established throughout the land. They have the support of the vast majority of Americans because they protect the freedom to choose whom to marry, where to live and whom to work for.

Collective bargaining is at core mutual freedom of choice. One person can rarely negotiate with a huge industry; hence the group nature of the bargaining. In labor negotiations, both sides present what they are willing to live with in hopes of reaching mutual compromise. In this situation, no party gets entirely what they want, but both sides get some of what they want, and they come to a conclusion when they choose to settle for something that is perhaps not ideal but comes close to being satisfactory. When both sides agree, there can be no blame since the choice to accept or not was always there.

Gov. Walker’s mistake was in trying to eliminate the ability of workers to exercise this fundamental choice. In essence, he is saying that union workers will never get even close to what they want in terms of working conditions or compensation, but his administration, as employer, will always get all of what they want. When one is employed under circumstances where no negotiation of work conditions or compensation is allowed—no choice, effectively—that work is tantamount to slavery. It allows only one choice — to quit. This draconian choice might be acceptable, perhaps, in flush economic times, but it is not an option in times like the present.

The pretext put forward by Gov. Walker for his action was budgetary. However, as numerous analysts have pointed out, Wisconsin’s budgetary woes will not be solved by removing public service union bargaining rights. To make this point clearer, the unions agreed to the financial requests put forward by the Walker administration, alongside its call for the elimination of bargaining rights. But the governor was unrelenting; the money apparently didn’t matter. It was the strength of the unions he was trying to eliminate.

Of course, Gov. Walker is not alone. Republican administrations in a half dozen states are hoping to use the current financial crisis to break the public service unions. When employees lose the right to bargain, what good is the union? Why continue to belong and pay dues?

From the standpoint of the Republican Party, the disappearance of unions removes a financial obstacle to its political ambitions. Unions not only negotiate on behalf of their members; they also work to elect politicians that are sympathetic to workers’ rights. These are most often Democrats. Therefore, to get rid of political challenges, officials like Gov. Walker are happy to destroy the right to negotiated choice in the service of partisan political advantage.

In other nations, the exercise of choice might not enjoy the sacred quality it has in the United States. It is now clear that this fundamental right is something that thousands are willing to make sacrifices to protect. Gov. Walker and Republican legislators are learning this the hard way.

William O. Beeman is a professor and chair of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Minnesota.

Thursday, February 24, 2011

MinnPost - Timely U of M conference can help Minnesota explore backdrop to Mideast unrest

MinnPost - Timely U of M conference can help Minnesota explore backdrop to Mideast unrest


Timely U of M conference can help Minnesota explore backdrop to Mideast unrest

By Sharon Schmickle | Thursday, Feb. 24, 2011

The protests that are rattling Arab governments from Tunisia to Egypt, Bahrain to Libya have many mothers, many explanations. To understand them fully, you can’t stop with the modern-day problems of corrupt dictatorships and frustrated, under-employed youth.

A good share of the rage erupting now is rooted in a profound loss of Arab dignity and pride. All educated Arab children know that their region once led the world in science, medicine, literature and so many other academic and artistic achievements.

Now, they are seen by the West – appropriately or not – as lagging in research intensity and investments in science. And many of their achievements in literature and the arts are not internationally respected.


Prof. William Beeman
Prof. William Beeman

“We are just now seeing that the seeds for this uprising were sown way back when,” said Prof. William Beeman, chair of the University of Minnesota’s Anthropology Department. “And it is not surprising that you now see it popping up everywhere.”

‘Shared Cultural Spaces’
Beeman and other U of M scholars have organized a timely conference that can help Minnesota explore this backdrop to the Middle East’s unrest.

Shared Cultural Spaces,” is presented by the university's religious studies program with support from the National Endowment for the Humanities. The public is welcome for several sessions beginning today on the West Bank of the Minneapolis campus, where experts in relevant fields will take a fresh look at humanities and sciences in Islamic civilization and reveal the connections between the old and the new as well as between the Islamic and western worlds.

Eddie Bruno Oroyan in "Journey."
Photo by Damon LynchEddie Bruno Oroyan in "Journey."

At the same time, the university is presenting the world premiere of "Journey," a stage adaptation of one of the spiritual and scientific masterpieces of the medieval Islamic world: Ibn Tufayl's "Hayy ibn Yaqzan." Performances begin tonight at the Rarig Center and continue through select dates in March at the Children's Theater Company.

Pillars of the intellectual world
While the conference material is fascinating and relevant to these times, much of it would be old hat to Muslim students. Even many Minnesota youngsters – for example, those who attend the Al-Amal School in Fridley – are well schooled in the story of what happened after the Roman Empire collapsed in the Fifth Century and Europe plunged into the Dark Ages.

Art, scholarly learning and scientific inquiry began to flourish in modern-day Iraq, Egypt and Iran. So respected was universal learning that Muslim caliphs paid for the preservation of Greek texts. And they supported scholars who translated the work that otherwise would have been lost to Europe.

Further, these scholars forged ahead with achievements that stood as pillars of the intellectual world for more than 1,000 years.

Indeed, many scholars and artists of the time still are considered to be giants in their fields: Muhammad Ibn Mūsā Al-Khawārizmī is credited with founding algebra. Ibn Sina's medical texts have been honored for centuries as the most authoritative works in human healing. Jalāl ad-Dīn Muhammad Rūmī, the great 13th Century Persian mystic poet, remains popular today inside and outside literature classrooms.

The list goes on and on.

What happened?
Somehow, though, that prominence faded over the centuries. How and why the Arab and Muslim countries declined as intellectual leaders — including if that actually happened or whether it is a mistaken perception in the West — are subjects for intense debate.

Certainly, we can point to prominent exceptions. Take Naguib Mahfouz, the Egyptian writer who won the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1988.

When it comes to science, some critics say that corrupt Arab leaders lined their own pockets and paid off vast patronage systems rather than investing their countries' resources in research and technology. Many of us know brilliant but frustrated Muslim scientists who left their homelands to pursue careers in the West.

Beeman is among scholars who argue that there are many more Maguib Mahfouzes in Muslim countries. They just haven't been recognized by the West.

Sudden eclipse
Beeman also said, though, that the Industrial Revolution did eclipse advances in the Middle East.

In less than a century, European nations surpassed their Muslim neighbors with superior technologies in military equipment, manufacturing systems, transportation, etc. The Europeans also organized themselves in nation-state systems that were utterly foreign to the orientation of the Muslim world, where it had been possible to travel from northern Africa to China without encountering the obstacles of customs, tariffs and strict national borders.

"It was very sudden," Beeman said.

And it set the stage for what happened as the colonial era ended in the Middle East.

Strapped for money to modernize their own states, Middle Eastern leaders forged partnerships with Europeans. Eventually the European nations and later the Americans were propping up dictators who couldn't have stood on their own.

"This was what set up the protests for today," Beeman said. "You have potentates, in league with external economic and political powers, who ruled in dictatorial fashion over their populations."

What the protesters have made abundantly clear is that these propped-up dictators have outlived their time. The protestors are demanding a chance to stand on their own and reclaim the dignity and cultural respect that is their heritage.

Information on U of M conference
The U of M conference is to highlight that heritage, exploring Islamic culture in its history and also its modern-day facets on topics including architecture, the arts and aesthetics, science and theater.

Most of the lectures and other events are free and open to the public. A schedule and more information is available here. The presentations of "Journey" are free at the Rarig Center, but there is a charge of $10 to $20 after it moves to the Children's Theater in March. For both venues, you'll need to make reservations.


Thursday, February 17, 2011

Professor Discusses Iran Clashes--Interview with William O. Beeman




Professor Discusses Iran Opposition, Clashes



Iranian government, opposition clash at funeral

Updated: Thursday, 17 Feb 2011, 9:18 AM CST

Published : Thursday, 17 Feb 2011, 9:18 AM CST


On Wednesday in Iran, opposition activists and government supports clashed at a funeral for a student who was killed during protests on Monday.

The images coming out of the country are reminiscent of the change Egyptians brought to their country last week. In light of the conflict, FOX 9 News invited professor William Beeman, chair of the University of Minnesota’s Anthropology Department discuss his experiences in the country this past summer.

Watch the video for more information

Friday, February 11, 2011

William O. Beeman interview--Conflict in Egypt May Affect U.S. Oil, Military

Conflict in Egypt May Affect U.S. Oil, Military

 

Conflict in Egypt May Affect U.S. Oil, Military

Historical shift may hinder Middle East relations

Updated: Friday, 11 Feb 2011, 12:03 AM CST
Published : Friday, 11 Feb 2011, 12:03 AM CST
MN Politicians Test National Stage
President Barack Obama said the world is “witnessing history unfold” when he spoke of the conflict in downtown Cairo.
“It’s a moment of transformation that’s taking place because the people of Egypt are calling for change,” Obama said.
With the dramatic developments happening almost every day, it seems the eyes of the entire world are on Egypt.
"Its history in our lives,” said Seth Bixbydaugherty. “Its a big as anything we've seen in our lives."
It has a lot of people in Egypt and abroad talking, wondering and worrying.
"I discuss it with pretty much every group I meet with,” said Sharon Stipkowvits, of Minneapolis.
Yet, even in a place as international as the Global Midtown Market, not everyone understands why the conflict is important.
“I’m guessing most people don’t know why it’s a big deal,” said Amber Bakken, admitting that she has not been following the conflict. “I'm just being honest."
But professor William Beeman, from the University of Minnesota, said what happens in Egypt could eventually affect us all -- even across the seas in the U.S.
“First of all, this is an Earth-changing event,” Beeman said.
Every day, 2 million gallons of oil pass through the Suez Canal en route to the U.S., Europe and Asia. If a new Egyptian government were to shut down the canal, it would add weeks to the oil’s voyage and raise the cost for a gallon of gas.
“Oil has already topped $100 a barrel,” Beeman stated. “It has gone up since this conflict started and we are going to start paying higher prices at the pump because of what's going on in Egypt."
Also, since the Camp David Accord was signed in the late ‘70s, the U.S. has given a third of its foreign aid to Egypt and another third to Israel to keep the peace in the Middle Easte; however, if a new government in Egypt were to start a conflict with Israel, the U.S. could be pulled into another war.
Finally, as the most powerful democracy in the world, Beeman said we have a moral obligation to help others who put their lives on the line to be free.
"It’s bad for the U.S. if you believe the U.S. should have stable partners for heads of state. It’s not so bad if you believe people around the world should have self determination and democracy," Beeman said of the conflict.

Local expert, William O. Beeman reacts to latest Egypt developments

http://www.www.kare11.com/video/default.aspx?bctid=785813349001








GOLDEN VALLEY, Minn. -- Protestors continue to gather in Egypt, rallying after President Hosni Mubarak announced he would not step down from his position. However, the Egyptian President did announce that he would hand over power to his Vice President.
Bill Beeman from the University of Minnesota joined us on KARE 11 News Sunrise to discuss the latest developments in Egypt.

Tuesday, February 01, 2011

William O. Beeman--Why an Islamic Government in Egypt Might Not Be So Terrible - New America Media

Why an Islamic Government in Egypt Might Not Be So Terrible - New America Media

The current unrest in Egypt is once again raising the specter of a potential “Islamic republic” as the fortunes of the nearly century-old Muslim Brotherhood and its role in a possible post-Mubarak state there are weighed in the minds of Egyptians and non-Egyptians alike. This prospect is met with a great deal of consternation and hand-wringing in the United States and Europe. However, the idea of an Islamic republic in the minds of Western observers is far worse than the reality.

The symbolic value of “Islamic governance” is of critical importance for Muslims, since as a matter of faith, Islam is supposed to be the governing principle for all of human life. However, theologically speaking, even if a nation labels itself as an Islamic republic, all government structures would not necessarily be determined by Islamic Shari'a (sacred law). Moreover, even those aspects of governance that appear to be directly determined by Shari'a principles are subject to interpretation by religious officials, many of whom disagree on their application.

Beyond this, Islamic government incorporates a broad set of ethical principles that few in the West would disagree with, namely that public resources should be used for the good of all, that honesty should be a hallmark of public life, and that the poor, sick and disadvantaged should be provided for.

Most Americans look at the term “Islamic republic” and immediately think of Iran, with clerical rule, mandatory head covering for women, and prohibitions on various forms of public and private behavior. However, the Iranian government is in some ways an anomaly in the Muslim world because it is very specifically based on a bedrock principle of the Velayat-e Faqih, or “rule of the chief jurisprudent,” which mandates a hierarchy of clerical decision-making with the chief cleric being the last word on all decisions. The Iranian state structure is a miracle of complexity with interlocking leadership positions, staggered election terms, and baroque combinations of direct and indirect election of leadership posts.

In other countries where Shari’a principles are included in the law, this doctrine is anathema, though clerical authority is nonetheless imperative. Thus, it is highly unlikely that any emerging Islamic state would mandate total clerical jurisprudence as in Iran.

Of course, Islam does have a specific set of laws that pious Muslims want to see an Islamic state preserve and protect. These include family law (including custody of children), inheritance law, laws against charging interest, laws governing certain aspects of personal behavior (such as personal dress), and specific punishments for certain crimes. These are frequently the battleground areas for those who want to protect the Islamic nature of the state, and those who want to approximate the secular laws of Europe and North America.

However, most people who object to Shari'a law have no idea how it is applied in the Islamic world. The laws are modified differently from country to country depending on who is making the religious determination and how strongly they are imbedded in the constitution and other legal documents of the state. For example, in some Muslim countries, the law that allows a man to have four wives is modified by the equally important religious demand that he prove that he will be able to treat all of his wives equally. In some Muslim countries, devices such as requiring written permission from the earlier wives before a second, third or fourth marriage can take place keep this practice in check, while still preserving the Islamic law.

Naturally, many in the United States and Israel are afraid that an Islamic government in Egypt would spell renewed hostilities with Israel. This depends entirely on the ability of moderate Muslims, of which there are millions in Egypt, to exert political control over the small minority of rabid extremists in the state. It is thus a political, not a religious question. The benefits of peace with Israel have been very great, and a sensible Muslim citizenry realizes that this is not something to renege on lightly.

It is also important to understand that under religious law, an Islamic government must be in place in order to protect religious minorities. Jews and Christians are all "people of the book," whose religious practices must be respected under Islamic law. This protection has been logically extended to Zoroastrians, Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs, and Taoists in South and East Asia in de facto observance. For example, in Iran, Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians are allowed to manufacture, sell and consume alcoholic beverages, even though alcohol is prohibited for Muslims.

It is somewhat odd that Western commentators find it difficult to accept the desire to preserve a small number of characteristic religious structures in the laws of the state, when many of their countries already do so. Israeli law accommodates Orthodox Jewish religious practice. European nations until recently had prohibitions against divorce and abortion to uphold Catholic Canon Law. The opposition to same-sex marriage on religious grounds is a reality in American politics today, having resulted in legal prohibition in the laws of the majority of states. In fact, many religious-minded people in the United States would find such laws welcome, and regularly lobby for them.

There should be no interference to impose some imagined set of secular Western values on Egypt, given the serious problems that legislators would have to face. The United States in particular would do well not to obsess over the potential Islamic nature of the Egyptian state.


William O. Beeman is professor and chair of the department of anthropology at the University of Minnesota. He has lived and worked in the Middle East for more than 30 years. His most recent book is “The ‘Great Satan’ vs. the ‘Mad Mullahs’: How the United States and Iran Demonize Each Other” (Chicago).

Tuesday, January 25, 2011

Beeman--Mojaheddin-e Khalq (MEK) Can Never Rule Iran

Foreign Policy Analysts Flynt and Hillary Mann Leverett reported in a recent blog post:


. . .one of the more noteworthy developments is an accelerating campaign to remove the mojahedin-e khalq, or MEK, from the U.S. Government's list of foreign terrorist organizations.  Over the last few months, a number of prominent Republicans-including John Bolton, Newt Gingrich, Rudy Giuliani, former Attorney General Michael Mukasey, former White House homeland security and counterterrorism coordinator Fran Townsend, and new House Foreign Affairs Committee chair Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen-have been publicly agitating to delist the MEK.  But this effort has now gone bipartisan and big time, including engaging the services of a Washington, DC consulting firm.

To document this last point, we link here to the video of an event held in Washington last week, clearly designed to build public support for delisting the MEK as part of a U.S.-led campaign for regime change in Tehran.  The event was organized by Executive Action, LLC, which describes itself as "a McKinsey & Company with muscle, a private CIA and Defense Department available to address your most intractable problems and difficult challenges".  (Exactly who engaged Executive Action's services for this event is not clear.)  Featured speakers included not only Republican figures like Mukasey, but also retired U.S. Marine Corps General Anthony Zinni; former New Mexico Governor, Clinton Administration cabinet officer, and Democratic presidential candidate Bill Richardson; former Democratic New Jersey Senator Robert Torricelli; and retired Marine Corps General James Jones-who just stepped down, in November 2010, as President Obama's first national security adviser.  All of the speakers argued for bringing down the Islamic Republic and forging a new political order in Iran-and for embracing the MEK as the foundation of a new Iranian "opposition" capable of bringing about both of these objectives. 
http://www.raceforiran.com/with-%e2%80%9cengagement%e2%80%9d-failing-washington-voices-urge-obama-to-embrace-the-mek-and-remove-its-terrorist-designation


I really don't know what to say to the fans of the MEK in Washington. They apparently have no ability to look at this situation from the viewpoint of the Iranian people. The MEK was a rival for power during and after the Iranian Revolution. They fully expected to take over the government from the "mullahs" and the secular nationalists. They were ousted and purged during the hostage crisis. They went to Iraq where Saddam Hussein gave them support, and a place to mount their attacks against the Islamic Republic. The fact that they stayed in Iraq under Saddam's protection during the Iran-Iraq war caused widespread expressions of hate for them in Iran.  Of course they are completely guilty of terrorist operations in the pre-Revolutionary days, and they continue to take credit for bombings and civil unrest in Iran--which I guess doesn't count as terrorism since it is directed at Iranian citizens.

But the most important fact that Bolton, Ros-Lehtinin and others fail to comprehend is that the MEK could never, never in a million years form an alternative government in Iran. The Iranian people mistrust them at best, and most thoroughly despise them and think them to be traitors. Their supporters are largely cynical "get rid of the Mullahs at any price" types who also don't believe in their "cause" whatever that is.

Not only that, but they are aging, and not recruiting new supporters. This is a bankrupt group that is not going to do what the Right Wing neo-con dead-enders in Washington hope they will do. It is sad and pitiful for anyone to be hitching their horse to this group. I only wonder who is paying the lobbyists and others trying to gin up their empty cause.

It is also sad that Washington politicians waste their energy on cockamamie schemes such as getting this group off the terrorist list so that we can throw millions of taxpayer dollars down their rat hole in the utterly vain hope that they will bring about regime change in Iran rather than seriously trying to engage Iran ourselves.


Bill Beeman
University of Minnesota

Friday, January 21, 2011

William O. Beeman--Stuxnet Worm Attack Against Iran—An Exercise in Overkill

http://newamericamedia.org/2011/01/the-stuxnet-worm-attack-against-iranan-exercise-in-overkill.php 

Story tools
New America Media, Commentary, 

William O. Beeman, Posted: Jan 18, 2011
The New York Times, in a remarkable effort of reportage has demonstrated with virtual conclusiveness that the Stuxnet computer worm that created damage to Iran’s uranium enrichment equipment last year was an effort by the United States and Israel. No one knows exactly how much damage this destructive program caused to the Iranian equipment, but Israeli officials were evidently convinced that the worm had set the Iranian program back “at least a year.” 

What is pitiful about the Stuxnet offensive is that it is a classic case of overkill. The Iranian nuclear program was already low-level, faltering and nowhere close to producing fuel for electric generation much less for weapons. It was a weak target for this kind of cyber-attack, all the weaker because the attack from this quarter was unexpected.
 

Moreover, it is unlikely to have achieved anything. Hasn't the United States learned that Iran can't be beaten into submission? In all of history it hasn't worked. Iranians turn resentful and bitter in situations like this and eventually strike back--sometimes behind the facade of quietude. This is the eventual result we can expect. For those who know Persian, think of mokaafaat, "retribution." It is an active force in Iranian life--especially as a reaction to an unjust assault--and applicable here. It is widely believed to be God-driven when there is injustice present, and this action is definitely perceived as unjust and unwarranted.
 

It is sobering to note that since the Iranian Revolution, Iran has not made even one significant attack against the United States, or for that matter Israel--despite all the attempts to link "proxy" groups to Tehran. Thus, when actions like Stuxnet, or the economic sanctions leveled against Iran spearheaded by the United States are launched, ordinary Iranians naturally become resentful. The pronouncements of firebrand politicians such as President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad begin to have the ring of truth.
 

Iranians who point fingers at the United States (and Israel) for its bullying tactics certainly will have sympathetic listeners, not only in Iran but in the developing world where there is overwhelming sympathy and support for Iran's nuclear program. Nations like Brazil and Turkey already wonder whether they are going to be targeted if they advance technologically, and this questioning is now going to spread.
 

The United States and Israel are likely to reap the whirlwind in the form of blowback from the Stuxnet caper. The worm spread beyond Iran, and is out there doing its damage elsewhere as well. How long before clever hackers retool it for use against whomever? It may well return to American and Israeli shores in another form to bite everyone in the behind. Moreover, Iran will quickly recover from the Stuxnet damage. Iran has some of the most sophisticated computer technologists in the world. It is capable of purging this virus from its systems, and preventing a more sophisticated attack. To give up on the nuclear program because of this is not in question.
 

If something as labor intensive as Stuxnet can not be effective in bringing Iran to heel, what might work. Certainly force has proved utterly ineffective. So why not actually try diplomacy? Despite lip service to sitting down with Iran in formal discussions, this has never really taken place. Iran and the United States still do not have any effective diplomatic representation. This makes nuanced communication virtually impossible. As long as the two nations have no platform for dialogue, they will continue to deliver messages through obscure measures such as Stuxnet.

William O. Beeman is professor and chair of the department of anthropology at the University of Minnesota. He has lived and conducted research in Iran and the Middle East for more than 30 years and is the author of The “Great Satan” vs. the “Mad Mullahs”: How the United States and Iran Demonize Each Other (Chicago, 2008).

Monday, January 17, 2011

Beeman--Stuxnet: In attacking Iran will the U.S. and Israel suffer Blowback?

Date: Thu, 17 Feb 2011 10:50:50 -0600


From: William O. Beeman wbeeman@umn.edu

What is pitiful about the Stuxnet offensive is that it is a classic case of overkill. The Iranian nuclear program was already low-level, faltering and nowhere close to producing fuel for electric generation much less for weapons. It was a weak target for this kind of cyber-attack, all the weaker because the attack from this quarter was unexpected.

Moreover, it is unlikely to have achieved anything. Hasn't the United States learned that Iran can't be beaten into submission? In all of history it hasn't worked. Iranians turn resentful and bitter in situations like this and eventually strike back--sometimes behind the facade of quietude. This is the eventual result we can expect. For those who know Persian, think of mokaafaat, "retribution." It is an active force in Iranian life--especially as a reaction to an unjust assault--and applicable here. It is widely believed to be God-driven when there is injustice present, and this action is definitely perceived as unjust and unwarrented.

It is sobering to note that since the Iranian Revolution, Iran has not made even one significant attack against the United States, or for that matter Israel--despite all the attempts to link "proxy" groups to Tehran. Iranians who point fingers at the United States (and Israel) for its bullying tactics certainly will have sympathetic listeners, not only in Iran but in the developing world where there is overwhelming sympathy and support for Iran's nuclear program. Nations like Brazil and Turkey already wonder whether they are going to be targeted if they advance technologically, and this questioning is now going to spread.

The U. S. and Israel are likely to reap the whirlwind in the form of blowback from the Stuxnet caper. The worm spread beyond Iran, and is out there doing its damage elsewhere as well. How long before clever hackers retool it for use against whomever? It may well return to American and Israeli shores in another form to bite everyone in the behind.

William O. Beeman
University of Minnesota

Monday, December 06, 2010

Diplomatic candor will survive Cablegate--Interview with William O. Beeman (Global Times)

Diplomatic candor will survive Cablegate

Interview with William O. Beeman
Global Times [08:26 December 03 2010]

GT: So the biggest role of WikiLeaks is that it provides an alternative to censored media?


Beeman: That's true. When the Internet started, there were questions about whether it should be regulated.

However, it moved so fast, and turned out unregulated. The technology is available to everyone. These organizations have a very important function as the alternative to the censored media.

GT: Will similar websites appear in the future and engage in competition with WikiLeaks?

Beeman: Absolutely. There is no question that it's going to happen. I'm sure people are right now working on this. This phenomenon is going to spread.

That's not necessarily a bad thing. People will be more careful, and also may become more responsible for their words and actions.

GT: Is it possible that the US government is using Cablegate for diplomatic leverage?


Beeman: I don't think that's the case. In the US, they were pretty angry about Julian Assange. Maybe there is something going on that we don't know about even now. Many scholars and politicians in the US are making wild statements about Assange.

It's very funny that one lawmaker, Michelle Barkman, said Assange should be tried for treason. This is very strange, because Assange is not a US citizen, so nothing he does could be declared treason.

There are so many documents, and they say so many things that anybody who wants to make political points can take one or more of these documents in isolation, and try to make a case for their own ideological positions. They can certainly use it for propaganda.

GT: So do you think Cablegate will initiate a new era of global diplomacy?

Beeman: I think these diplomats always make such statements. There is nothing new about these statements themselves. In diplomatic channels, these sort of private, candid statements were always made.

But now they realize that this is a different world where anything you say is likely to be reported. Anything you do or say at all might get on a camera or a microphone.

What I'm surprised actually is that the people who were quoted in the WikiLeaks documents didn't take more care in trying to protect themselves by printing those things in coded messages or other ways that would keep them from being identified.

I'm sure that people now knowing this could happen are going to be much more careful about how they send their material. But I don't think they will be more careful about what they say, because all human beings like gossip and want to express their personal opinions.

GT: Hundreds of thousands of documents were leaked, but the CIA could only blame a 23-year-old intelligence agent. Is that convincing?

Beeman: They are blaming one agent for having downloaded all these documents and compromised security. We don't know whether he was the only source.

The tendency, unfortunately, is always to find somebody to blame and to find a scapegoat. When a similar scandal happens, it's important for officials to identify somebody right away, so that they can show that they are able to control the situation.

GT: Some former FBI agents say that if WikiLeaks had existed before 2001, perhaps 9/11 would have been prevented.


Beeman: That might be true. That's a very interesting statement, because we knew about the people who carried out the 9/11 and about their organization, in all the way backed in 1998 before the Bush administration came into power. The Bush administration was warned about Al Qaeda.

But they ignored the warnings. And these warnings were turned into secret documents.

If these documents were made public before 2000, then it was very likely that people who carried out the attack would have been discovered.

GT: Do you think WikiLeaks is given too much credit?

Beeman: Eventually these dispatches will be released anyway, likely in 25 years. But many people living today, including politicians, wouldn't be around in 25 years from now.

The reason that the delay is there is exactly that people whose actions are revealed won't be embarrassed, and those government actions that they want to keep secret won't be compromised. But in the US, we have many secret documents, and it's crazy and ridiculous to keep them all secret. There is no strategic interest involved at all.

GT: Are developing countries, with less social stability, more vulnerable to the effects of leaked information? What if false information was included?

Beeman: It could happen. The question we all have to answer is the consequences of information of such value that you are willing to risk: Some degrees of social unrest in order to have that critical information.

When printing the WikiLeaks documents, the newspapers didn't eliminate the names of the individuals who were named in the documents. This could put these people in some danger.

The next question is what is the limits of such information freedom. The public certainly would like to have information that reveals the wrongdoing, like crime, misappropriation of funds, or politicians lying to their own people. Such information should be known by the public.

Russian arms dealer Viktor Bout was recently arrested in Thailand. He provided illicit weapons for illicit government operations. I think people in those countries need to know that. But there are people working as undercover operative with their organizations. If their names were revealed, they might be killed.

 GT: So the biggest role of WikiLeaks is that it provides an alternative to censored media?


Beeman: That's true. When the Internet started, there were questions about whether it should be regulated.

However, it moved so fast, and turned out unregulated. The technology is available to everyone. These organizations have a very important function as the alternative to the censored media.

GT: Will similar websites appear in the future and engage in competition with WikiLeaks?

Beeman: Absolutely. There is no question that it's going to happen. I'm sure people are right now working on this. This phenomenon is going to spread.

That's not necessarily a bad thing. People will be more careful, and also may become more responsible for their words and actions.

Tuesday, November 30, 2010

WikiLeaks: Beyond the Spin--Institute for Public Accuracy

Institute for Public Accuracy (IPA)
News Release


WikiLeaks: Beyond the Spin

November 29, 2010

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PRATAP CHATTERJEE

Chatterjee is a regular columnist for the Guardian and just wrote a piece titled "WikiLeaks v the imperial presidency's poodle: Once, Harold Koh spoke truth to power. Now, as Hillary Clinton's legal adviser, he obediently denounces the embassy cables leak."

Chatterjee is author of Iraq, Inc: A Profitable Occupation and Halliburton's Army: How a Well-Connected Texas Oil Company Revolutionized the Way America Makes War. He recently joined the Center for American Progress as a fellow.

WILLIAM BEEMAN

Author of The "Great Satan" vs. the "Mad Mullahs": How the United States and Iran Demonize Each Other, Beeman said today: "These dispatches represent communications in diplomatic circles. They don't necessarily represent truth on the ground, and they frequently seem to represent posturing and the same kind of bluffing and chicanery that is the bread and butter of diplomatic negotiations. So, if the Ambassador to the UAE says 'Iran is a nuclear danger,' that doesn't mean that Iran is actually a nuclear danger -- only that he said so for whatever reason.

"Diplomatic assessments are only as good as the underlying information that prompts them. In many cases the underlying information is purposely misleading or inaccurate. Just because a diplomat said something doesn't make it any more true. Much of the material relating to Iran and the Persian Gulf is the result of a concentrated propaganda campaign by the United States, spearheaded during the Bush administration, to ensure U.S. influence in the Gulf region by frightening local leaders into fearing Iran. The documents are more interesting for pointing out the ways in which nations at the top levels tried to influence each other's opinions about world affairs."

COLEEN ROWLEY

Rowley, whose May 2002 memo described some of the FBI's pre-9/11 failures, was named one of Time Magazine's “Persons of the Year” in 2002. She recently co-wrote a Los Angeles Times op-ed titled "WikiLeaks and 9/11: What if? Frustrated investigators might have chosen to leak information that their superiors bottled up, perhaps averting the terrorism attacks."

She said today: "For some reason many Americans have the attitude that more governmental secrecy means greater security. Paradoxically, people have, at the same time, been willing to sacrifice their own personal privacy. Eighty-one percent in the U.S. reportedly support the government implementation of body scanners and enhanced patdowns at airports as a pre-condition of flying. A majority don't want to ask questions about their government dropping bombs in other parts of the world. People commonly respond that they just want to be safe and don't want to necessarily know the details of what or how their government goes about that task.

"But actually, a lot of those things make the U.S. public less safe. Information sharing means less secrecy -- and is a key to more security. That was acknowledged by the 9-11 Commission; that if government agencies had done a better job sharing information and not only amongst themselves but with the public and the media, the 9-11 attacks could have been averted.

"WikiLeaks stated its motives for releasing these documents by quoting U.S. founding father James Madison who famously said: 'Knowledge will forever govern ignorance; and a people who mean to be their own governors must arm themselves with the power which knowledge gives.' This basic philosophy of the American revolution is said to inspire WikiLeaks' work: 'The cables appear to be the single most significant historical archive ever released and affects basic and heartfelt issues all over the world; geopolitics and democracy; human rights and the rule of law; national resources and global trade.'

"It’s undoubtedly good that WikiLeaks and its media partners in five different countries are publishing the information in the U.S. diplomatic cables, as with the war logs released earlier. It's important, however, to consider these cables in their proper context. Obviously the authors of these previously secret documents (State Department and military members) are usually 'reporting' what their departments expect or want to hear, and are not attempting to necessarily provide independent analysis that conflicts with pre-established policies. True whistleblower protection is still needed to produce more independent and less-politicized analysis."

Background: WikiLeaks has begun releasing over 200,000 U.S. diplomatic cables, a process that may take months. See cablegate.wikileaks.org and twitter.com/wikileaks. Also, see coverage by the British Guardian, Der Spiegel and the New York Times.

For more information, contact at the Institute for Public Accuracy:

Sam Husseini, (202) 347-0020; or David Zupan, (541) 484-9167

Monday, November 08, 2010

Ali Gharib--The New York Times' Middle Eastern Spin

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2010/11/the-new-york-times-middle-eastern-spin.html

The New York Times' Middle Eastern Spin


by ALI GHARIB in New York

08 Nov 2010 19:0713 CommentsProceed with caution.

Commentary by William O. Beeman: This superb, well-researched commentary by Ali Gharib exposes New York Times correspondent Michael R. Gordon for his distortions of the role of Iran in Iraq. In light of the Wikileaks documents on American involvement in Iraq, Mr. Gharib's corrective is especially important. The litany of Mr. Gordon's hyped accusations of Iran's involvement in military action against the United States without proof desperately needs to be exposed, and the American public needs to be warned about the inaccuracies and biased reporting of Mr. Gordon, who of late is touting his credentials as an "Iran expert."

[ opinion ] The record of the New York Times merits special scrutiny with regard to the possible overstatement of conclusions drawn from the WikiLeaks document dump about Iranian support for Iraqi Shia insurgent militias.

In a recent article on the Columbia Journalism Review's website urging caution reading the WikiLeaks documents, I laid out an approach to the military and intelligence reports from the field -- broad conclusions extracted from mostly snap assessments often based on anonymous accounts of single-source information -- that was common in the press.
But the Times has two things the other outlets don't: the clout inherent to being the "Gray Lady" atop the list of influential papers, and its recent history of stumbles in the run-up to the Iraq War. These factors worked in tandem as the Times printed stories in 2002 that vastly overstated Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction programs and public opinion began to turn in favor of attacking Iraq.
With the sights of Washington's hawks now focused squarely on Iran, many critics feel they've seen the movie before as the Islamic Republic's alleged nefarious activities in Iraq are relentlessly trotted out. And many of them even have their roots in the same journalist, Michael Gordon, who played a central role in the Times' catastrophic abdication of its responsibility to the public in 2002 and 2003.
As a result, even the Times itself has been cautious, with then-public editor Byron Calame reviewing the Times' reporting on Iranian activities in Iraq when the story first heated up in 2007.
In a blog post on the Times' coverage, University of Minnesota professor William Beeman pointed back to an incident in 2008: The U.S. military had to abort a planned press conference featuring "Iranian-made" weapons when it turned out that the weapons didn't come from Iran after all. Tina Sussman had the story for the Los Angeles Times:
A plan to show some alleged Iranian-supplied explosives to journalists last week in Karbala and then destroy them was canceled after the United States realized none of them was from Iran. A U.S. military spokesman attributed the confusion to a misunderstanding that emerged after an Iraqi Army general in Karbala erroneously reported the items were of Iranian origin.

When U.S. explosives experts went to investigate, they discovered they were not Iranian after all.
Beeman also cited the example of an assertion, initially made by anonymous officials speaking to the New York Times and then by Bush in February 2007, that Iran was providing Iraqi insurgents with "explosively formed penetrators," or EFPs. When a raid shortly thereafter turned up weapons, the Times' coverage acknowledged, high up in the article, that many critics were questioning the certainty with which the Bush administration was making claims.
Calame, the public editor, said that the stories from February 2007, despite much anonymous sourcing, "reflected healthy levels of skepticism and editing vigilance," especially with qualifications inserted into articles -- and entire stories -- that acknowledged critics and uncertainties.
Beeman remains unconvinced. "It should be noted that when the military tried to show the captured equipment, they couldn't trace even one piece definitively to Iran," he wrote. "Having a leaked memo expressing the military's belief that this equipment was Iranian without further proof doesn't make this any more believable."
Nonetheless, neoconservative journalist Eli Lake wrote in the hawkish Washington Times -- without any of the caveats of his colleagues at the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times -- that the WikiLeaks document dump "confirms a long-standing assertion of President George W. Bush at the start of the 2007 troop surge: Iran was orchestrating one side of the Iraqi insurgency."
Other less credulous readers like Beenman, however, find fault in even the New York Times' weak caveats. Perhaps what's most worrying, especially in light of the Times' seeming lack of caution in reporting the WikiLeaks documents as confirmation, is the record of the paper on Iraq. And there's a consistent thread that runs through both the contemporary reporting and the paper's failures in 2002 and 2003.
Take a look at this sampling of Times headlines, datelines, and bylines on the subject of Iran's involvement in Iraq that I compiled for the CJR piece:
* "Iran Aiding Shiite Attacks Inside Iraq, General Says," June 23, 2006, by Michael R. Gordon
* "Iran Ties Role in Iraq Talks to U.S. Exit," December 10, 2006, by Hassan M. Fattah and Michael R. Gordon
* "U.S. Says Captured Iranians Can Be Linked to Attacks," December 27, 2006, by Sabrina Tavernise with contributed reporting from Michael R. Gordon
* "Deadliest Bomb in Iraq Is Made by Iran, U.S. Says," February 10, 2007, by Michael R. Gordon
* "U.S. Says Arms Link Iranians to Iraqi Shiites," February 12, 2007, by James Glanz with contributed reporting from Michael R. Gordon
* "Why Accuse Iran of Meddling Now? U.S. Officials Explain," February 15, 2007, by Michael R. Gordon
* "U.S. Says Raid in Iraq Supports Claim on Iran," February 26, 2007, by James Glanz and Richard A. Oppel Jr. with contributed reporting from Michael R. Gordon
* "U.S. Long Worried that Iran Supplied Arms in Iraq," March 27, 2007, by Michael R. Gordon and Scott Shane
* "U.S. Ties Iran to Deadly Attack," July 2, 2007, by Michael R. Gordon
* "U.S. Says Iran Helped Iraqis Kill Five G.I.s," July 3, 2007, by John F. Burns and Michael R. Gordon
* "U.S. Says Iran-Supplied Bomb Kills More Troops," August 8, 2007, by Michael R. Gordon
* "Hezbollah Trains Iraqis in Iran, Officials Say," May 5, 2008, by Michael R. Gordon
Last month, two years after the last article in that list, Gordon came out with his front-page story on Iran and the WikiLeaks documents:
* "Leaked Reports Detail Iran's Aid for Iraqi Militias," October 22, 2010, by Michael R. Gordon and Andrew W. Lehren
You might be forgiven for seeing a consistent pattern here, especially considering that the articles mentioned by the Times's public editor in February 2007 -- the ones that embraced skepticism -- were all written by journalists like Helene Cooper, Mark Mazzetti, and James Glanz. In other words, they were not written by Michael Gordon.
Gordon, rather than exercising caution with the information he was receiving, seemed to go beyond what he reported and what he was handed. Investigative journalist Gareth Porter documented for the American Prospect how it was not Gordon's sources, but Gordon himself who "articulated the narrative of an Iranian-inspired attack on Americans" in a briefing reported for a mid-2007 New York Times story.
And you might also be forgiven for considering Gordon a reporter with a less than savory record on matters that might drive the nation to war. He was the reporting and writing partner of none other than Judith Miller, the former New York Times reporter whose cozy relationships with Iraqi defectors and administration officials were instrumental in rousing public opinion against Iraq. Miller has since been dispatched by the Times and has staked out a more overtly ideological position writing for outlets like Fox News, where her distortions and use of almost exclusively neoconservative-aligned sources don't prompt questions.
In 2002, however, Miller and Gordon were working together on stories about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction for the Times. On Sunday, September 8, they had a front-page story on Iraq's attempts to acquire aluminum tubes. Miller and Gordon wrote that the tubes were intended for centrifuges aimed at producing highly enriched uranium for a nuclear weapon. In the New York Review of Books in 2004, journalist Michael Massing recalled the boost the article gave to the Bush administration's drive to get public opinion behind an invasion of Iraq:
On that morning's talk shows, Dick Cheney, Colin Powell, Donald Rumsfeld, and Condoleezza Rice all referred to the information in the Times story. [...]

In the days that followed, the story of the tubes received wide publicity. And, on September 12, 2002, President Bush himself, in a speech to the UN General Assembly, said that "Iraq has made several attempts to buy high-strength aluminum tubes used to enrich uranium for a nuclear weapon" -- evidence, he added, of its "continued appetite" for such a weapon. In the following months, the tubes would become a key prop in the administration's case for war, and the Times played a critical part in legitimizing it.
Massing reports that a nuclear specialist at a D.C. think tank made Miller aware of dissenting expert opinions -- even within the administration -- but five days later, Gordon and Miller's follow-up article allowed an anonymous administration official to dismiss the skepticism as a "footnote."
Massing went on to describe both Miller's and Gordon's reactions to their work on the aluminum tubes story. Miller couldn't even be bothered with reflection, referring to herself as simply a "messenger." Gordon, too, deferred blame to the intelligence community, but offered a more nuanced reading -- that the "majority view of the intelligence community" was that Iraq was pursuing a nuclear weapon. "I don't recall a whole lot of people challenging that," he told Massing, who demurs on the point, commenting that the dissent was there and Gordon missed it. (Gordon took issue with Massing's article, and the two debated the piece at length in a subsequentexchange of letters published by the New York Review.)
Even Calame, the Times' public editor, acknowledged that Gordon's record opens him up to be singled out in a parenthetical interjection to the February 2007 report:
Mr. Gordon has become a favorite target of many critical readers, who charge that the paper's Iran coverage is somehow tainted because he had shared the byline on a flawed Page 1 W.M.D. article. I don't buy that view, and I think the quality of his current journalism deserves to be evaluated on its own merits.

This very same question -- Does the past record of a journalist matter? -- was also raised more recently about another writer. The Atlantic's James Fallows asked it about his own colleague, Jeffrey Goldberg, in reference to Goldberg's September cover article on the prospects for an Israeli military strike on Iran. Like Michael Gordon's reporting, Goldberg's work in the run-up to the Iraq War -- much of which was disproved -- was promoted heavily by the Bush administration and other war hawks. Fallows answers "no," because the Goldberg article, he thinks, "hews to a strictly repertorial perspective." One might say it should be evaluated for its own merits. Glenn Greenwald, for one, has a field day with Fallows's defense of Goldberg:
[I]f Fallows were right that suspicions and doubts about Goldberg's article were based on his past behavior, wouldn't that be perfectly justifiable? The Iraq War is the single worst political and media debacle of this generation -- the massive human suffering it caused is staggering -- and Goldberg's shoddy, error-filled, reckless "journalism" played a leading role in helping to bring it about. So discredited and humiliatingly wrong was Goldberg's prewar "reporting" that it's squarely within Judy Miller territory.

And Michael Gordon is, of course, the vice-president of Judy Miller territory.
Greenwald frames the utter lack of accountability inherent in the Obama administration's formulation of "looking forward, not backward" -- the philosophy that has spared Bush administration officials investigation for their complicity (or worse) in torture, kidnapping, and cherry-picking and manipulating intelligence to sell the United States on war with Iraq.
That Judith Miller was dismissed at all is something of an aberration. Gordon's treatment is more par for the course. Greenwald notes that even after his error-laced Iraq reporting, Goldberg was lured away from the New Yorker, presumably with "bags full of cash," by the Atlantic. He and Michael Gordon have now moved on to reporting about Iran -- Goldberg through the eyes of the hawkish Israelis, and Gordon from Iraq, through single-source raw intel and unnamed military and administration officials.
This is not looking forward nor looking back, but not looking at all -- a collective aversion of the eyes -- as those same journalists responsible for enabling an aggressive war on questionable premises do so once again from their perch atop the journalistic establishment.
Ali Gharib is a New York-based journalist who blogs daily on U.S.-Iran relations at LobeLog.com.



Copyright © 2010 Tehran Bureau

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Beeman--State Department refers to Persian Gulf as "Arabian Gulf" to annoy Iran

State Department refers to Persian Gulf as "Arabian Gulf" to annoy Iran

In the latest round of childish interchange between the United States and Iran, the U.S. has decided to use the cheap shot of referring to the Persian Gulf as the Arabian Gulf. Never mind that many bodies of water in the world have dual nomenclature. The State Department well knows that this is a hot-button item for the Iranians. I saw the State Department announcement of a $60 billion arms sale to Saudi Arabia intended to "stabilize the region."It seems that Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs Andrew Shapiro went out of his way to be provocative. He pointedly referred to the "Arabian Gulf" several times. There was no need to do this at all. The State Department could have simply talked about Saudi Arabia without referring to the Gulf at all. Most of us outside of the region have no dog in this fight, aside from wishing to be historically correct (the term "Arabian Gulf" is, as most everyone knows, fairly recent in historical reference--certainly more recent than "Persian Gulf"), but the repercussions on the Iranian side are certain to be negative. It was a gratuitous slap in the face calculated to get a rise out of Iranian officials. The effect is to worsen the already terrible relations between the nations, and to create heightened tensions in the region. If the Iranians are wise they will ignore this cheap little trick, but my guess is they won't.


see Jamal Abdi's article on this matter:

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jamal-abdi/fueling-ethnic-tensions-i_b_773753.html

Monday, October 25, 2010

Beeman--Iran's Involvement in Iraq--Wikileaks Documents don't prove a thing

Michael R. Gordon and Andrew W. Lehren wrote a long front-page article in The New York Times on Saturday, October 22 entitled "Leaked Reports Detail Iran’s Aid for Iraqi Militias"
<http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/23/world/middleeast/23iran.html?_r=1&scp=1&sq=Michael%20Gordon%20Iran%20Iraq&st=cse>

This article is based on documents produced by the whistleblower site, Wikileaks.

Readers should be deeply skeptical of claims that the the NY Times reporting on Iran's involvement in Iraq based on the Wikileaks documents constitutes some kind of smoking gun about Iran's involvement in attacks on the U.S. military, or, actually, that the reporting constitutes anything new at all.

These Wikileaked documents are all internal U.S. military dispatches. They merely report what the military believes to be true. In fact, everything reported in the Times by Gordon and Lehren--all the stuff about missiles, EFT's and Hezbollah-- have already been claimed by the military over the years, and dutifully reported by the Times, sometimes with "enhancements" from the writers, and others such as Michael Slackman.  It should be noted that when the military tried to show the captured equipment, they couldn't trace even one piece definitively to Iran. Having a leaked memo expressing the military's belief that it this equipment was Iranian without further proof doesn't make this any more believable. The Times had the gall to show a picture of the non-conclusive materiel along with their story as if now their claims would render the claims valid.

The only thing that is different in this report is that the Wikileaks documents give us the verbatim internal reports. Merely having them stated in this form doesn't constitute proof of the assertions. Indeed, Gordon and Lehren themselves point out that the claims can not be verified. They further pad their article with negative quotes about Iran from U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, Christopher Crocker, unrelated to the Wikileaks documents, as if his speculations constituted better proof. Some commentators have been somehow impressed by these documents, but a close inspection shows that they provide no more proof than anyone had before.

The Times has much to report regarding this fantastic trove of documents, Why they chose to feature this story is obvious to me. They have made this story a running epic over the last seven years with no end of criticism. They now seem to be returning to the well with these documents, but the evidence is no more compelling for its repetition.